MUMBAI SUBURBAN

Language has played a crucial role in shaping India’s social and political landscape, with pivotal moments such as the States Reorganization Act of 1956, which redrew the country’s states along linguistic lines. For Mumbai and its suburbs, this shift led to the dissolution of Bombay State in 1960 and the creation of two separate states: Gujarat and Maharashtra, each defined by the predominant language spoken within their borders.

Still, Mumbai Suburban, in many ways, typifies the linguistic complexity which can be found across India and also many metropolitan areas across the world. The district’s pluralistic linguistic identity was notably documented as early as 1912, when Portuguese historian and linguist Joseph Gerson da Cunha described the Mumbai Metropolitan Region as a “real Babel of tongues.” Today, the district stands as a multilingual hub where diverse languages co-exist. Notably, an attempt too is being made to introduce ancient languages like Pali into higher education settings. The district also, remarkably, has its own indigenous language varieties. Some have gained widespread recognition and representation in popular culture such as the ‘Bandra Accent’ or ‘Bambaiyya Hindi.’ However, varieties of Mumbai’s oldest communities such as the East Indians and Kolis, have become a lesser-known aspect of the district’s linguistic identity and are increasing at the risk of fading away.

The linguistic landscape of Mumbai Suburban district, much like the larger Mumbai Metropolitan Region itself, can be characterized as ‘cosmopolitan’ and ‘pluralistic’ in nature. With the region often described as the ‘melting pot of diverse cultures, the district is home to numerous speech communities (a group of people who share rules for conducting and interpreting at least one variety of a language or dialect), each having their own language or dialect as their mother tongue.

There are many languages that are spoken as the mother tongue of the various speech communities of the district. Remarkably, the Census Data from 2011 reveals that more than 90 languages and dialects are spoken as mother tongues in the Mumbai Suburban district. The district had a total population of approximately 93 lakh (93,56,962), of which 35.16% reported Marathi as their first language. This was followed by Hindi (25.46%), Gujarati (11.52%), and Urdu (11.13%). Other languages spoken as mother tongues included Tamil (2.16%), Bhojpuri (1.98%), Konkani (1.63%), Marwari (1.61%), Telugu (1.33%), Malayalam (1.15%), and Bengali (1.08%).

Additionally, languages such as Sindhi (0.94%), Punjabi (0.93%), Tulu (0.62%), and English (0.58%) are also spoken by sizable communities. Other languages and dialects such as Maithili, Varli, Vasava, Bono, and Dogri are also being spoken by the diasporas of the district, which all in all, accentuate the district’s multicultural identity.

Notably, the Census reports from 2001 and 2011 illuminate that Marathi, Hindi, Gujarati, and Urdu have remained as the predominant languages spoken in the district for more than a decade. Additionally, what these reports have indicated is that there hasn’t been one single dominant language which has been spoken by even half of the district’s population as mother tongue. This feature was brought to attention by Jonathan Galton, a linguistic anthropologist in his article (2018), where he emphasizes on what specifically sets Mumbai apart from other metropolitan cities like London and foregrounds the region’s unique multilingual character.

The linguistic character of Mumbai Suburban, much like the broader Mumbai Metropolitan Region, is one that Jonathan Galton, in his article, aptly describes as “multilingual…in a different way.” This distinction likely arises from the extensive range of languages spoken across the region and the polyglot (an individual who knows or is able to use several languages) tendencies of its inhabitants. Other factors include, as Galton says, is that “no one language is the mother tongue of more than half the city’s population.”

This may, as well be why, the linguistic soundscape of Mumbai is so polyglossic (multiple languages can be found in both written and spoken form within one locality) in its nature. It is a characteristic that is evident in the everyday reality of the region.

Galton observes that in Mumbai, “the trappings of official polyglossia are everywhere.” This polyglossia is visible in the bilingual street signs, often in English and Marathi, and the trilingual railway announcements that mark the everyday life of the city. The announcements aboard the train, fascinatingly, provide a glimpse into the region’s rich linguistic soundscape. One can find many subtle yet striking variations in the pronunciation of even localities across different languages. A perfect example is how the suburb ‘Bandra’ is pronounced differently across languages.

As the train approaches this famous suburb, passengers hear three distinct pronunciations: the Marathi ‘Vandre’ (वांद्रे, /ˈvɑːnðre/), with its characteristic ‘v’ sound; the Hindi ‘Bandra’ (बांद्रा, /ˈbɑːnðrɑ/), with its longer ending; and the English ‘Bandra’ (/ˈbændɹə/), each reflecting its own linguistic tradition. These subtle variations in pronunciation, heard countless times daily across the suburban rail network, demonstrate how a single place name can carry multiple sonic identities.

Religious spaces in the district further maintain linguistic diversity in both written and spoken forms, with mandirs using Devanagari and Lipi scripts. Additionally, linguistic flexibility is something that extends into everyday interactions in Mumbai. Code-switching (the act of alternating between two or more languages depending on the social context) has become an integral and natural aspect of communication here. Individuals may seamlessly shift from Marathi to Hindi, English, or Gujarati or their mother tongue, alternating between languages or style of speech based on social situations.

Interestingly, this multilingual nature of Mumbai has a legacy that stretches back centuries. Early travel writings from the 19th century provide a glimpse into the city’s historical polyglossia. G.W. Steevens, a British journalist and writer, in 1899, noted that “forty languages, it is said, are habitually spoken in its bazaars.” Basil Hall, a British naval officer, in 1832, described his experience in the city’s bustling markets, writing, “In twenty minutes’ walk through the bazaar of Bombay, my ear has been struck by the sounds of every language that I have heard in any other part of the world.” These sounds, he writes, were spoken “in a tone and manner which implied that the speakers felt quite at home.”

This rich linguistic diversity, though significant, often overshadows some of Mumbai’s oldest linguistic traditions. What many might not know perhaps is that Mumbai Suburban too has various indigenous varieties of Marathi spoken by its oldest communities. These language varieties, distinguished by unique phonetic patterns, lexical choices, and pronunciations are gradually fading in the face of rapid urbanization, with members of these communities increasingly engaged in efforts to preserve both their linguistic and cultural heritage.

The East Indian dialect/language is one such variety that is largely spoken by the East Indian community, a unique Catholic group that is indigenous to areas across Salsette (Mumbai Suburban and parts of Thane), Bassein (Vasai) and Bombay (Mumbai). According to Alphi D’Souza, a crucial member of the Mobai Gaothan Panchayat, an association dedicated to the community, the East Indians were primarily agriculturalists who lived in settlements known as gaothans (villages).

Marathi holds significant importance as the mother tongue for the East Indian community, with Mass in East Indian churches originally being conducted in the language. This dialect/language, known as East Indian Marathi, is often referred to as Boli Basha or Mai Boli (meaning ‘mother tongue’ in Marathi) by its speakers.  It draws influences from several languages, including Marathi, Portuguese, Arabic, and others and its distinctiveness is evident in various linguistic features, such as unique pronunciations and lexical borrowings, which contribute to its unique character. Perhaps the most intriguing example of this is the community’s pronunciation of the region Mumbai, which they call Mobai.

The ‘Boli Bhasha’ spoken by the East Indian community is one of several dialects/languages that is gradually disappearing. Devyani Nighoskar highlights the situation in a Sahapedia article, stating, “The situation is unfortunate in that the younger generation does not know how to speak the East Indian language, which is, therefore, gradually dying out.” In light of this, many members of the East Indian community have taken significant steps to preserve and document the language. The Mobai Gaothan Panchayat (MGP), a community organization dedicated to East Indian heritage, has spearheaded one significant effort through their East Indian Dictionary project.

Released in 2019, this dictionary documents the linguistic features and vocabulary of the East Indian dialect/language. In the dictionary’s History section, Dr. Fleur D’souza, former Head of the Department of History at St. Xavier’s College, notes that many words in the dialect/language were “painstakingly” gathered from the former villages of Salsette. The project not only preserves the dialect/language but also provides valuable insights into the East Indian community’s identity and history through its documented linguistic patterns.

One of the most intriguing aspects of the East Indian dialect/language is perhaps the substantial influence the Portuguese language has had on its vocabulary. This influence can be traced back to the arrival of the Portuguese in India in 1498 when they established a colonial presence, primarily for trade and evangelization. As Rita Rodricks notes in her Sahapedia article, as part of their efforts, they introduced the Portuguese language to the local converts.13 Over time, with years of cultural exchange and transmission, it seems many Portuguese words were adopted into the East Indian dialect/language.

In linguistic terms, these borrowed words are called loanwords; it refers to a word that one language adopts from another, usually due to cultural, social, or economic contact. Loanwords can either retain their original form or undergo phonetic or grammatical changes to fit the recipient language. Like other instances of linguistic borrowing, the Portuguese loanwords found in the East Indian variety were adapted to fit local pronunciation patterns.

The East Indian dialect/language is particularly noted for its melodic and soft sound profile, which is influenced by specific speech modulations that set it apart from other regional varieties of Marathi.  Morgan Rodriguez, a linguist specializing in the East Indian variety, attributes its “sweet-sounding” nature to the avoidance of harsh or sharp sounds, such as the Devanagari characters ण (Ṇa) and ळ (Ḷa). Instead, he explains, the letter ड (Da) is often replaced with र (Ra), alongside other phonetic shifts that give the same Marathi words a distinct sound.15 Some examples of these sound replacements are as follows:

When words change their pronunciation or spelling but keep their meaning, linguists call these variant forms “allomorphs.” The East Indian dialect/language shows many such variations, as Marathi words take on different pronunciations while maintaining their original meanings.

Certain expressions used within the East Indian community offer a glimpse into the cultural nuances and shared experiences of its speakers. Many of these expressions are idiomatic, meaning they convey figurative or nonliteral meanings that reflect the community’s worldview, humor, and practical observations; these idioms or one-liners often encapsulate social realities and cultural values in a succinct and often witty manner.

Notably, the East Indian community maintains rich oral traditions, particularly through its folk songs, though these are increasingly at risk of being lost. Linguist Morgan Rodriguez is currently working to document and preserve these cultural expressions. As for written language, Gleason Barretto, editor of the East Indian dictionary, notes that while the dialect/language has no known script today, historical evidence suggests Modi script may have once been used. The dialect/language also demonstrates significant regional diversity, with speakers from areas like Bandra, Versova, and Vasai each having their own distinct pronunciation patterns.

The Koli community, often considered the ‘oldest living inhabitants of Mumbai’, speak a distinct variant of Marathi that often reflects their maritime heritage and coastal lifestyle. This variety is characterized by a conversational tone and includes vocabulary and expressions unique to the community’s livelihood.

The linguistic peculiarities of the Koli dialect were noted by S.M. Edwardes in The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island (1909), who observed that their Marathi differed from that spoken by Sonars, Prabhus, and others. The distinct features he observes is their use of the sibilant (a speech sound which has a ‘hissing effect’) sounds ‘ha’ in place of ‘sa’, ‘sa’ in place of ‘cha’, and more. He cites, thus, in their pronunciation, the word ‘chammade’ (leather) becomes ‘samde’.

The Koli dialect/language, like most regional varieties, has its own distinct vocabulary. Notably, many words are specifically used by the community that differ from what one might say in other varieties of Marathi. These words, interestingly, are correlated with the local environment and lifestyle of the community. The Kolis live in settlements which they call ‘wadas.’ A word that they usually use to demarcate areas within and outside the wadas is ‘paar.’ Additionally, they use the word ‘aagar valis’ to describe lanes or alleys. In other forms of Marathi or even Konkani, the word ‘वेस’ (Ves) or शीव (Sheev) is typically used for the former and ‘gully’ (गल्ली) for the latter. Both these words differ from other linguistic variations of Marathi when it comes to signifying these features.

Additionally, in the Bhandup Koliwada, the word ‘paatya’ is used to signify ‘coconut fibers.’  Coconuts  are something that are abundantly available in their environment and crucial for their fishing activities, particularly in protecting their boats. Hence, the use of these words, in many ways, show how the Kolis distinctively describe elements that are central to their daily lives.  

An interesting feature of the Koli dialect/language, although not exclusive, is that different sub-communities of Kolis speak in slightly different ways. These variations can be heard in their pronunciations and how they construct their sentences, often depending on where they live or which sub-caste they belong to. One such sub-caste is the Malhar Koli community.

The Malhar Kolis live in the forested areas of Mumbai Suburban district, particularly near Aarey Colony and Sanjay Gandhi National Park (SGNP). They often inhabit spaces where other communities such as the Warlis live alongside them. For this reason, L.D. Tople in the Languages of Maharashtra (2017) writes that “Malhar Koli [when it comes to their lifestyle and spoken style] is heavily influenced by the Warlis.” Their spoken style is very close to Marathi in many ways, but has its own special pronunciation and sentence structure, as seen in the following phrases:

In the question “कोठे राहतोस?” (kothe rahtos?), “कोठे” (kothe) means ‘where,’ and ‘राहतोस’ (rahtos) consists of two parts:

• राह (rah) is the verb root meaning ‘stay.’
• तोस (tos) is a marker that indicates the question is directed at you (informal, singular).

In the Malhar Koli speech style, the same question is expressed as “कोठं रे राहे?”(kotha re rahe?), and here’s how it differs.

• कोठं (kotha) still means ‘where,’ but with a different ending sound.
• रे (re) is a particle added for emphasis or style, something not used in other forms of Marathi.
• राहे (rahe) is the verb ‘stay,’ but in a different form.

Here, one can see how both the word forms (morphology) and sentence structure (syntax) are different, despite them conveying the same meaning, i.e. the question of “Where do you stay?”

Despite being a language variety which is spoken by Mumbai’s oldest community, today, the dialect/language stands at a critical juncture in its history.  Many fear that with time and the increasing urbanization of Mumbai, the usage of the dialect/language will disappear. In Mumbai’s koliwadas, many say that its use is rapidly declining. Mohit Ramale, president of the Akhil Koli Samaj Sanskruti Samvardhan Sangh (2023), observes that, “only 50 to 55% of people in the koliwadas of Mumbai speak the original Koli language.” He also points out a deeper cultural issue, i.e. “Ever since urbanisation reached the koliwadas of Mumbai, many [Kolis] feel an inferiority complex about speaking our own language.” Furthermore, the dialect/language neither enjoys any mainstream attention.

This decline in usage is just one of the variety’s challenges. Koli scholar Bhagwan Dandekar (2023) highlights that the dialect/language has never been fully documented, which has prevented it from being “given literary status.” Given these concerns, there have been calls for immediate action. Language scholar Prakash Parab urges academic institutions, particularly the University of Mumbai, to lead efforts in researching and preserving the Koli variety. Such initiatives would likely play a crucial role in preserving the language variety and the district’s linguistic heritage.

Bambaiyya Hindi, colloquially referred to as tapori language, is a distinctive dialect and sociolect that draws influence from Marathi, Hindi-Urdu, and many other languages. The term tapori, meaning ‘vagabond’ or ‘rowdy’, reflects the informal, impolite, and often playful nature of the dialect.

The language is known for its distinctive features, including the frequent use of the suffix -ko (e.g., tereko for ‘to you’, mereko for ‘to me’, apneko or apunko for ‘to us’), which imparts a unique rhythm to conversations. It is also known, as journalist Smruti Kopikkar (2019) puts it, for its “unique, grammar-free, syntax-free and reference-free mix of Marathi, Gujarati, even Urdu mixed with Hindi.” Notably, many words in Bambaiyya Hindi are borrowed or adapted from Marathi, as shown in the following table:

The variety is renowned for its vivid and contextually rich expressions that capture the essence of Mumbai’s urban experience. Iconic phrases such as ‘Hawa aana de’ (literally ‘Let the air come in,’ meaning ‘Leave me alone’) and ‘Patli gali se nikal’ (literally ‘Get out through the narrow lane’, meaning ‘Leave quietly’) reflect the city’s congested topography and social dynamics.

One of the most celebrated expressions, ‘Chal, chai maarte hai’ (Let’s go have tea), references the region’s beloved ‘tea-cutting’ culture, where ‘cutting’ signifies a smaller, more affordable serving of tea. These phrases provide insight into the more socio-cultural aspects of Mumbai’s working-class communities.

Bollywood films have played a crucial role in popularizing Bambaiyya Hindi. It has perhaps, in many ways, transformed the dialect into a sociolect, which refers to a variety of speech that is associated with a specific social class or occupational group.Film critic Shoma Chatterjee describes how Hindi cinema presents it as a “vulgarised version of Hindi,” consistently associating it with characters from working-class backgrounds, street culture, or the underworld.

The rise of Bambaiyya Hindi in cinema came with how the nature of a ‘protagonist’ changed in Bollywood. The industry moved from depicting them as heroes who are polished gentlemen to portraying them as street-smart, shrewd anti-heroes and villains. With the shift in this character, came the shift in their dialogue style or rather language as it became more colloquial and raw. This linguistic shift meant that formal vocabulary was replaced with local slang, and standard sentence structures gave way to the more informal patterns of Bambaiyya Hindi.

Prime examples of this cinematic evolution are Sanjay Dutt’s portrayal as Munna Bhai in Munna Bhai M.B.B.S. (2003), Vivek Oberoi’s portrayal as Maya in Shootout at Lokhandwala (2007), and Manoj Bajpayee’s portrayal as Bhiku Mhatre in Satya (1998), where the characters’ use of Bambaiyya Hindi illuminates both their social identity and reality.

Bandra English is a distinct variety of English spoken primarily in the Bandra suburban and a few South Bombay regions of Mumbai. This linguistic variety is characterized by unique sound patterns and grammatical structures that demonstrate how English has been adapted to local usage.

The distinctiveness of Bandra English is particularly evident in common phrases that illustrate how local residents have developed their own English usage patterns. For example, speakers commonly use expressions such as:

• “It’s getting late, man.” (indicating a characteristic informal tone)
• “You’ve gone mad or what?” (demonstrating a unique form of question construction, as the interrogative word ‘what’ rather than the beginning in situated at the end of the sentence)

This adaptation is what linguistic scholars may refer to as an example for the process of ‘nativization’; it is the process by which a foreign language is modified and integrated into local linguistic and cultural practices. A well-known example of nativization in India is ‘Hinglish’, where Hindi and English blend to create distinctive patterns of speech. This combination illustrates how English has been shaped by local languages, with elements from both languages merging to create new expressions and forms.

In Bandra English, the local context has significantly influenced the distinctiveness of the variety in several ways, reflecting both the history and demographic features of the area. One key factor is the linguistic practices of the English-speaking Christian population that has for long resided within the locality. Claire Cowie notes that, “the syntactic features (sentence structure) attested for Indian English, in addition to or what and no, are in fact exclusively features of English-dominant/English-only Christians, and do not occur in the speech of speakers of English as a second/additional language.” The variety has also been shaped by other significant factors, including the influence of colonization and subsequent globalization.

The educational landscape of Mumbai Suburban, much like the rest of India, is marked by multilingualism. However, recent shifts in socio-cultural dynamics are driving significant changes in the district’s linguistic and educational trends, creating new patterns in language acquisition and educational priorities.

In recent years, foreign language centers in Mumbai Suburban have gained considerable prominence, particularly in areas like Andheri, which is known for its cosmopolitan atmosphere and geographic proximity to the corporate hubs of the region. Languages such as German, Korean, and French, as locals say, are in high demand.

Simultaneously, there has been an effort to institutionalize the study of classical languages. For instance, the University of Mumbai has established a dedicated department for Pali, accompanied by a library that houses an extensive collection of texts in this classical language, ensuring that the study of these languages continues in an academic setting.

Additionally, English has emerged as the new mercantile language in Mumbai’s educational and professional landscape, particularly in white-collar employment sectors. Fluency in English has become the standard, reflecting its growing importance in the job market. Priyanka Sahoo (2018) documents this shift, highlighting the significant changes in language preferences and the rise of English-medium educational institutions in Mumbai. Between 2013 and 2016, “as many as 627 new English-medium schools have sprung up across the city and the suburbs,” with overall enrollment increasing by 3.6 lakh students. The suburbs have witnessed the sharpest growth, with an addition of 2.8 lakh students during the same period. As noted in Sahoo’s report, this surge suggests that “more parents now prefer to send their children to English-medium schools.”

These changing preferences are having broader implications on regional language schools, particularly Marathi and Urdu-medium institutions. It is further noted that, “in the said period [between 2013-15], 35 Marathi-medium schools were shut down as enrollment dropped by over 83,000. The enrollment dropped by over 25,000 for Urdu-medium schools in Mumbai, although only two have shut down.” In addition to changing preferences, one key reason for this decline, as reported by teachers, is the lack of secondary sections in many regional language schools, further diminishing their appeal.

The paradox of maintaining regional language schools is becoming increasingly evident. As English continues to dominate, these schools are losing space in an increasingly competitive educational environment.

This shift has had a significant impact on the people of the district. In her article, journalist Santoshee Gulabkali Mishra (2021) sheds light on the challenges faced by residents of Kurla’s Kasaiwada in Qureshi Nagar due to this changing linguistic environment. The area is home to many Urdu-medium schools, but a growing concern has emerged: can these schools provide their students with viable economic opportunities? English is increasingly emerging as a language that provides better job prospects and social mobility. Many locals also believe that English-medium schools offer more than just a linguistic advantage, they are seen as better equipped for multilingual education, which is often viewed as essential for upward mobility in today’s economy.

This issue, perhaps, speaks to larger national trends, where the rising emphasis on English in the workplace is becoming a point of concern for the future of regional languages and their ability to empower the youth economically. It also raises the pressing question of whether regional language schools can continue to support the economic advancement of their students without being overshadowed by the push for English proficiency.