PALGHAR

Palghar district is located in the northern part of Maharashtra, stretching from the coastal areas near Mumbai to the hilly interior regions bordering Gujarat. The district's position along this diverse geographical terrain has contributed to a rich linguistic environment where multiple language varieties are spoken by diverse communities. While Marathi is widely spoken, variations of it exist within the district, and alongside it, many other linguistic varieties are found throughout the region.

Among the lesser-known yet significant varieties are Samvedi, Warli, and East Indian, each associated with specific communities and spoken in specific geographic areas within the district. These varieties represent different aspects of the region’s cultural heritage, reflecting both historical influences from colonial contact and the ongoing linguistic practices of indigenous groups who have maintained their ancestral languages in daily life.

At the time of the 2011 Census, it was recorded that Palghar district had a population of nearly 30 lakh (~29,90,116). Marathi was the dominant mother tongue, spoken by 61.91% of the population. Hindi followed at 15.44%, while Warli and Gujarati were also widely spoken, accounting for 6.17% and 5.67%, respectively. Other languages spoken in smaller proportions included Bhojpuri (1.80%), Urdu (1.77%), Marwari (1.03%), Kokna/Kokni/Kukna (0.89%), Malayalam (0.72%), and Bengali (0.66%).

Samvedi is the language variety spoken by the Samvedi Brahmins. According to Cicilia Carvalho (2017), this community primarily resides in two districts of Maharashtra, one of which is Palghar. She notes that Samvedi is spoken in twelve villages in north Vasai, including Agashi, Vatar, and Kofrad.

The origins of the word ‘Samvedi’ are fascinating and seem to be tied to the history and identity of the community. The term according to some accounts is derived from the Sanskrit word “Shamaneedresh”, where Shaman means “entertainment” and Edresh means “attributed.” Historically, it is said that the Samvedi people were performers in the royal court, entertaining the king. Another idea is that rulers are said to have appointed them to provide musical services at samadhi (memorial) sites. Over time, the term “Samaadhi” evolved into “Shamedi,” referring to musicians associated with these sites. 

Carvalho describes Samvedi as having a “rough character” and notes that it draws influences from Gujarati and Kathiawari. The most striking feature of the variety appears in its pronunciation patterns.When speakers attempt to record Samvedi using the Devanagari script, certain sounds simply cannot be captured accurately. This phonetic gap, in many ways, makes the written representation of Samvedi speech highly complex and further distinguishes it from Marathi.

The personal pronouns in Samvedi differ from those in Marathi in both pronunciation and structure. The following table provides some examples:

A notable difference is the omission of the 'i' (ई) sound in the Samvedi pronoun "aam" (we), which contrasts with Marathi "āmhī". Additionally, "savta" (myself) exhibits a distinct vowel emphasis compared to its Marathi counterpart.

Demonstrative pronouns in Samvedi are noted to change from village to village. Instead of the Marathi word हा (hā) for “this,” some Samvedi-speaking villages use “au”, while others say “yau.”

Kinship terms in Samvedi also show variations in pronunciation and structure compared to Marathi. The following table lists some commonly used terms:

Interestingly, "bay" is used for both "mother" and "elder sister", though with slight phonetic variations. Similarly, “bhaa" (brother) differs significantly in pronunciation from Marathi "bhāū".

The names of the days in Samvedi are distinct from their Marathi counterparts and often feature phonetic modifications:

The changes in pronunciation suggest that Samvedi has evolved in its own way, shaped by regional influences and phonetic shifts. For example, "hanvvar" (Monday) is quite different from Marathi "somvār", and "bishitvar" (Thursday) has a unique form compared to "guruvār".

Numbers in Samvedi are similar to Marathi but have their own distinct sounds:

A noticeable difference is that Samvedi uses "thar" for "four," while Marathi uses "chār". Similarly, "yek" is a variant of Marathi "ek" for "one."

Warli is a distinct linguistic variety spoken by the Warli community, an indigenous group primarily found in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Daman, and Dadra and Nagar Haveli. The Warlis are considered to be one of Maharashtra’s oldest communities, with Smita Patil (2017) describing them as “one of the ancient tribes in Maharashtra.” According to the 2011 Census, Warli was the third most commonly spoken mother tongue in the district, with 6.17% of the population (1,84,492 people) reporting it as their first language.

The origin of the term Warli has been the subject of scholarly debate. One prominent theory, proposed by Dr. Wilson, suggests that the community was originally known as Varalis, meaning “uplanders.” Additionally, the term Varal is said to refer to a cultivated plot of land, which supports the idea that the Varalis were traditionally agriculturalists.

The Warli language is shaped by influences from Marathi, Koli, Kunbi, Konkani, Bhil, Khandeshi, and Gujarati. K.J. Save (1945) observes that the Warlis neither speak pure Marathi nor exclusively Gujarati. He notes that many Warli speakers trace their origins to Namnagar or Nagarhaveli in the Daman territory, and northern Warli varieties retain stronger Gujarati influences.

Save (1945) also documents regional variations within Warli, attributing these differences to geography and varying levels of interaction with surrounding language communities. He identifies three primary forms, with them being Daavri, Murade, and Nihiri.

Of the various forms, Save considers Daavri to be the oldest, spoken mainly in the northern regions and exhibiting the strongest influence from Gujarati. He identifies Nihiri as primarily spoken in Thane (which included Palghar district at the time of his writing) and closely related to Marathi, with significant Kunbi influence. The name Nihiri derives from a distinctive pronunciation feature: speakers of this variety say “nihi” instead of the standard Marathi word for “no,” which is “nahi.”

Warli features distinctive sound substitutions that set it apart from neighboring languages. Where other languages use “ha” sounds, it is documented that Warli often uses “ya” sounds. Warli speakers tend to use “s” sounds (like in “sun”) where other languages might use “sh” sounds (like in "shine").

Words for "this" and "that" have unique pronunciations in Warli. The Marathi word for this, which is “jo," becomes “yi”, and that “ti” also becomes “yi”. Where Marathi has "en" sounds at the end, Warli often has "an" sounds. For example, "gold" is "sonen" in Marathi but "sonan" in Warli. Silver is ‘rupen’ in Marathi and ‘rupan’ in Warli.  

The language also shows systematic differences in word structure compared to Marathi.

Some of these patterns likely stem from influences of other language varieties. For instance, K\Save notes that the pattern of words ending in "a" in Marathi to "o" in Warli is a feature that can also be observed in Konkani.

Warli has its own words for kinship terminology, that is, words for family members. 

Save (1945) suggests that the characteristic pattern of using 's' endings rather than the 'sh' endings is present in many words in Warli and can also be found in Konkani.

Warli, like many languages, changes the form of words depending on their role in a sentence. This is called a case system, i.e., a way of marking whether a word is the subject, object, or something else.

• Subject Marking → If a word is the subject (the doer of the action), in Warli, it often ends in ‘u,’ ‘o,’ or ‘a.’
• Object Marking → If a word is the object (the receiver of the action), ‘la’ is often added to it.
• Instrumental Case → If something is being used to do an action, Warli adds ‘an' (similar to how Marathi adds ‘ne’).

For example:

• If ‘a boy’ (a subject) is doing something, the word for boy might end in 'u' (e.g., Aadheer u gela – "Aadheer went").
• If someone is hitting the boy, "boy" would get ‘la’ added (e.g., Ramu Aadheer la marla – "Ram hit Aadheer").
• If a stick is used to hit, "stick" might take ‘an’ (e.g., Ramu lakdan marla – "Ram hit with a stick").

This system probably helps Warli speakers clarify who is doing what in a sentence, just like Marathi, but with slightly different markers.

The East Indian dialect/language is one such variety that is largely spoken by the East Indian community, a unique Catholic group that is indigenous to areas across Salsette (Mumbai Suburban and parts of Thane), Bassein (Vasai), and Bombay (Mumbai). According to Alphi D’Souza, a crucial member of the Mobai Gaothan Panchayat, an association dedicated to the community, the East Indians were primarily agriculturalists who lived in settlements known as gaothans (villages).

Marathi holds significant importance as the mother tongue for the East Indian community, with Mass in East Indian churches originally being conducted in the language. This dialect/language, known as East Indian Marathi, is often referred to as Boli Basha or Mai Boli (meaning ‘mother tongue’ in Marathi) by its speakers. It draws influences from several languages, including Marathi, Portuguese, Arabic, and others, and its distinctiveness is evident in various linguistic features, such as unique pronunciations and lexical borrowings, which contribute to its unique character. Perhaps the most intriguing example of this is the community’s pronunciation of the region Mumbai, which they call Mobai.

The ‘Boli Bhasha’ spoken by the East Indian community is one of several dialects/languages that are gradually disappearing. Devyani Nighoskar highlights the situation in a Sahapedia article, stating, “The situation is unfortunate in that the younger generation does not know how to speak the East Indian language, which is, therefore, gradually dying out.” In light of this, many members of the East Indian community have taken significant steps to preserve and document the language. The Mobai Gaothan Panchayat (MGP), a community organization dedicated to East Indian heritage, has spearheaded one significant effort through its East Indian Dictionary project.

Released in 2019, this dictionary documents the linguistic features and vocabulary of the East Indian. In the dictionary’s History section, Dr. Fleur D’souza, former Head of the Department of History at St. Xavier’s College, notes that many words in the dialect/language were “painstakingly” gathered from the former villages of Salsette. The project not only preserves the language but also provides valuable insights into the East Indian community’s identity and history through its documented linguistic patterns.

One of the most intriguing aspects of the East Indian is perhaps the substantial influence the Portuguese language has had on its vocabulary. This influence can be traced back to the arrival of the Portuguese in India in 1498, when they established a colonial presence, primarily for trade and evangelization. As Rita Rodricks notes in her Sahapedia article, as part of their efforts, they introduced the Portuguese language to the local converts. Over time, with years of cultural exchange and transmission, it seems many Portuguese words were adopted into the East Indian.

In linguistic terms, these borrowed words are called loanwords; they refer to a word that one language adopts from another, usually due to cultural, social, or economic contact. Loanwords can either retain their original form or undergo phonetic or grammatical changes to fit the recipient language. Like other instances of linguistic borrowing, the Portuguese loanwords found in the East Indian variety were adapted to fit local pronunciation patterns.

The sound changes and allomorphs found in the East Indian dialect/language give it a uniquely melodic and soft sound profile, setting it apart from other regional varieties of Marathi. Morgan Rodriguez, a linguist specializing in the East Indian variety, attributes its “sweet-sounding” nature to the avoidance of harsh or sharp sounds, such as the Devanagari characters ण (Ṇa) and ळ (Ḷa). Instead, he explains, the letter ड (Da) is often replaced with र (Ra), alongside other phonetic shifts that give the same Marathi words a distinct sound. Some examples of these sound replacements are as follows:

When words change their pronunciation or spelling but keep their meaning, linguists call these variant forms “allomorphs.” The East Indian dialect/language shows many such variations, as Marathi words take on different pronunciations while maintaining their original meanings.

In linguistics, a false friend refers to a word in a different language that looks or sounds similar to a word in a given language, but differs significantly in meaning. There are also unique words and false friends in the East Indian dialect/language itself that are similar to words in Hindi, but differ significantly when it comes to meaning.

Certain expressions used within the East Indian community offer a glimpse into the cultural nuances and shared experiences of its speakers. Many of these expressions are idiomatic, meaning they convey figurative or nonliteral meanings that reflect the community’s worldview, humor, and practical observations; these idioms or one-liners often encapsulate social realities and cultural values in a succinct and often witty manner.

Notably, the East Indian community maintains rich oral traditions, particularly through its folk songs, though these are increasingly at risk of being lost. Linguist Morgan Rodriguez is currently working to document and preserve these cultural expressions. As for written language, Gleason Barretto, editor of the East Indian dictionary, notes that while the dialect/language has no known script today, historical evidence suggests the Modi script may have once been used. The dialect/language also demonstrates significant regional diversity, with speakers from areas like Bandra, Versova, and Vasai each having their own distinct pronunciation patterns.